The birth of the congressional clinic
dc.contributor.author | Godefroy, Raphaël | |
dc.date.accessioned | 2018-09-24T18:43:55Z | |
dc.date.available | 2018-09-24T18:43:55Z | |
dc.date.issued | 2018-08 | |
dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/1866/20925 | |
dc.publisher | Université de Montréal. Département de sciences économiques. | fr |
dc.subject | Legislative bargaining | fr |
dc.subject | Publicly-provided goods | fr |
dc.subject | Health policy | fr |
dc.subject | Government policy | fr |
dc.subject | Medical research | fr |
dc.title | The birth of the congressional clinic | fr |
dc.type | Article | fr |
dc.contributor.affiliation | Université de Montréal. Faculté des arts et des sciences. Département de sciences économiques | |
dcterms.abstract | This paper studies the impact of mortality in the districts/states represented in key congressional groups (i.e. committees, subcommittees, and parties) on the National Institutes of Health (NIH) allocation of medical research funds across diseases, for the period 1985-2002. Exploiting the recomposition of any group after congressional elections, I find that congressmen who sit in the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Labor, Health and Human Services, Education and Related Agencies appear successful in steering more funds towards research on diseases that affect their constituents disproportionately. This effect is larger for clinical than for basic research. No other relevant congressional group, except, to a lesser extent, the House majority, seems to impact that allocation. No group significantly impacts the allocation of funds across states. | fr |
dcterms.isPartOf | urn:ISSN:0709-9231 | |
dcterms.language | eng | fr |
UdeM.VersionRioxx | Version publiée / Version of Record | fr |
oaire.citationTitle | Cahier de recherche | |
oaire.citationIssue | 2018-11 |
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